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Meta and private credit

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Good morning. Investors are expecting a dovish shift at the Federal Reserve after Jay Powell’s term expires. The fed funds rate after April 2026, as implied by the futures market, has been dropping for the past month. This is likely due to the deepening expectation that Trump will pick an (how to put this?) obedient dove to replace Powell in May. But it could also be due to good recent economic data. Let’s hope it’s the latter. Email us: unhedged@ft.com

Meta and private credit

On Friday, our colleagues Eric Platt, Oliver Barnes and Hannah Murphy wrote that

Meta is looking to raise $29bn to fund its all-in push into artificial intelligence . . . Talks between the Instagram-owner and private credit investors have advanced, with several large players including Apollo Global Management, KKR, Brookfield, Carlyle and Pimco involved in the discussions, according to people familiar with the matter . . . 

Meta is hoping to raise $3bn of equity from them and then a further $26bn of debt. But it is debating how to structure the massive debt raising . . . 

[Meta is] considering ways that could make the debt more easily tradeable once it was issued, the people added. That is one factor potential investors who have studied the transaction have raised, given its sheer size.

This struck us, on first reading, as a little bit weird. There is a place to raise large amounts of easily tradeable debt capital at competitive prices: the corporate bond market. It would eat up more Meta debt like a pig eats corn. Meta is a great credit. It has a net cash position of $21bn (including leases). Its debt/equity ratio is .16. It generated $50bn in free cash flow in the last twelve months even as it has dumped $44bn on capital expenditures. Its 2054 bonds trade at a yield of less than a percentage point higher than 30 year Treasuries. 

The company, in short, looks wildly under-leveraged and easy to lend to, rather than a company that needs a whizzy private debt-equity structure to get its hands on some money. All of this is miles away from Intel, a leveraged and lossmaking company that stuck a debt and equity deal with Apollo to finance a new chipmaking plant last year. 

A well-structured deal might keep the additional debt off of Meta’s balance sheet, and might even lay some of the risk of huge data centre investments on to someone else. So (one might argue) a smart deal might make Meta appear more like a classic, capital-light tech company deserving a high price/earnings ratio on its equity (its forward P/E is now around 26). But this argument doesn’t work. Meta is not a particularly capital-light business any more, and a financing structure is not going to change this in the eyes of investors. Or at any rate it shouldn’t.

The only way we can make sense of a deal like this is not in terms of Meta’s demand for private debt financing, but the big asset managers’ supply of the stuff. A huge amount of money has been raised by private credit providers (over $1tn in the five years ending in 2024 according to McKinsey). There is loads of dry powder in private equity, too. So maybe the Apollos and KKRs of the world are appealing to Meta not because their financing is cleverly structured, but because it is cheap. Investors can work out for themselves what that means for private capital’s future returns. 

We will get central bank digital currencies but we probably need a crisis first 

Last week we argued that JPMD, a deposit token issued by JPMorgan Chase, does not add much value as a payment technology, outside of facilitating crypto asset trading. The bank pitches it as a way to make cross-border payments more timely and efficient — but this only works if both payer and payee are JPMorgan clients, and if that’s the case, cross-border payments should be smooth anyway.  

That said, if commercial banks’ reserves at the central bank were tokenised, then money could indeed move “at the speed of the internet” between different banks, even across borders. If that were so, there could be a two-tiered digital money system (commercial bank deposit tokens and central bank digital currencies) that is perfectly analogous to our current two-tiered analogue monetary system (commercial bank deposits and bank reserves held at the central bank). In that world, JPMD could have a much broader use case, because it could be exchanged in real time for Bank of America or HSBC deposit tokens (these don’t exist yet, but they would). 

A lot of ink has been spilled on the subject of central bank digital currencies — their use cases, their risks, and how to design them (we recommend this primer from our colleagues at Monetary Policy Radar). To summarise, CBDCs are a digital form of a country’s official currency, controlled and issued by a central bank. They could, in theory, come in two flavours: retail CBDCs, that could be used by the general public and a digital analogue to physical cash; and wholesale CBDCs, that could only be used among commercial banks for interbank transactions.

Creating retail CBDCs is not currently on the table in the US. There are many issues to be resolved first, but as of now the biggest barrier is the Trump administration, which has issued an executive order prohibiting their creation. Presumably this is because Trump wants to protect the private digital currency industry (in which he is a participant) from government competition. This is a shame. Why should citizens be restricted to owning the obligations of the state only in the archaic form of bits of paper or metal? And as Daleep Singh, chief global economist at PGIM, argued to us, if the world is moving towards CBDCs, it behoves the US to be leading that charge or at least playing a big role in CBDC regulation. 

Wholesale CBDCs might be on the table, though. Tim Massad at the Harvard Kennedy School, formerly chair of the CFTC, argued to us that the Trump ruling did not really target wholesale CBDCs — just retail. “I don’t think they are particularly worried about [wholesale], and ultimately [the Trump administration] want[s] them.” In theory, wholesale CBDCs are not that risky. “Just as reserves don’t leave the Fed’s walls — they are simply transferred between account holders — a CBDC would not be out ‘in the wild’ in the way that deposits (and tokenised deposits) are,” said Steve Kelly at the Yale Program on Financial Stability. 

So as of now, tokenised retail currencies are firmly in the hands of payment companies and stablecoin issuers. We expect innovation to continue to flower. Resistance from the Trump administration and the slow pace of change in (and especially between) governments mean an officially-backed, international, digital two-tiered money and banking system is a ways off. 

How will we get there? Unhedged has a prediction, based on what we know about the history of banking. Private digital money will continue to grow until, at a moment of stress, it falls into a major crisis. Governments will have to intervene in a big way. Out of that intervention, a proper digital money system will, with a little luck, be born.

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Naming conventions.

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Mergers & Acquisitions

FTAV’s further reading

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AI and jobs; Oklahoma and towers; India and retailers; AI and cybercrime; Norway and elections



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Trump Intel deal designed to block sale of chipmaking unit, CFO says

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The Trump administration’s investment in Intel was structured to deter the chipmaker from selling its manufacturing unit, its chief financial officer said on Thursday, locking it into a lossmaking business it has faced pressure to offload.

The US government last week agreed to take a 10 per cent stake in Intel by converting $8.9bn of federal grants under the 2022 Chips Act into equity, the latest unorthodox intervention by President Donald Trump in corporate America.

The agreement also contains a five-year warrant that allows the government to take an additional 5 per cent of Intel at $20 a share if it ceases to own 51 per cent of its foundry business — which aims to make chips for third-party clients.

“I don’t think there’s a high likelihood that we would take our stake below the 50 per cent, so ultimately I would expect [the warrant] to expire,” CFO David Zinsner told a Deutsche Bank conference on Thursday.

“I think from the government’s perspective, they were aligned with that: they didn’t want to see us take the business and spin it off or sell it to somebody.”

Intel has faced pressure to carve off its foundry business as it haemorrhages cash. It lost $13bn last year as it struggled to compete with rival TSMC and attract outside customers.

Zinsner’s comments highlight how the deal with the Trump administration ties the company’s hands.

Analysts including Citi, as well as former Intel board members, have called for a sale — and Intel has seen takeover interest from the likes of Qualcomm.

Intel’s board ousted chief executive Pat Gelsinger, the architect of its ambitious foundry strategy, in December, which intensified expectations that it could ultimately abandon the business.

White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters on Thursday the deal was being finalised. “The Intel deal is still being ironed out by the Department of Commerce. The T’s are still being crossed, the I’s are still being dotted.”

Intel received $5.7bn of the government investment on Wednesday, Zinsner said. The remaining $3.2bn of the investment is still dependent on Intel hitting milestones agreed under a Department of Defense scheme and has not yet been paid.

He said the warrants could be viewed as “a little bit of friction to keep us from moving in a direction that I think ultimately the government would prefer we not move to”.

He said the direct government stake could also incentivise potential customers to view Intel on a “different level”.

So far, the likes of Nvidia, Apple and Qualcomm have not placed orders with Intel, which has struggled to convince them it has reliable manufacturing processes that could lure them away from TSMC.

As Intel’s new chief executive Lip-Bu Tan seeks to shore up the company’s finances, the government deal also “eliminated the need to access capital markets”, Zinsner explained.

Given the uncertainty over whether Intel would hit the construction milestones required to receive the Chips Act manufacturing grants, converting the government funds to equity “effectively guaranteed that we’d get the cash”.

“This was a great quarter for us in terms of cash raise,” Zinsner added. Intel had also recently sold $1bn of its shares in Mobileye, and was “within a couple of weeks” of closing a deal to sell 51 per cent of its stake in its specialist chips unit Altera to private equity firm Silver Lake, he noted.

SoftBank also made a $2bn investment in Intel last week. Zinsner pushed back against the idea that it had been co-ordinated with the government, as SoftBank chief executive Masayoshi Son pursues an ever-closer relationship with Trump.

“It was coincidence that it fell all in the same week,” Zinsner said.



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Nuclear fusion developer raises almost $900mn in new funding

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One of the most advanced nuclear fusion developers has raised about $900mn from backers including Nvidia and Morgan Stanley, as it races to complete a demonstration plant in the US and commercialise the nascent energy technology.   

Commonwealth Fusion Systems plans to use the money to complete its Sparc fusion demonstration machine and begin work on developing a power plant in Virginia. The group secured a deal in June to supply 200 megawatts of electricity to technology giant Google.

The Google deal was one of only a handful of such commercial agreements in the sector and placed CFS at the forefront of fusion companies trying to perfect the technology and develop a commercially viable machine.

CFS has raised almost $3bn since it was spun out of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 2018, drawing investors amid heightened interest in nuclear to meet surging energy demand from artificial intelligence.

“Investors recognise that CFS is making fusion power a reality. They see that we are executing and delivering on our objectives,” said Bob Mumgaard, chief executive and co-founder of CFS. 

New investors in CFS’s latest funding round, which raised $863mn, include NVentures, Nvidia’s venture capital arm, Morgan Stanley’s Counterpoint Global and a consortium of 12 Japanese companies led by Mitsui & Co.

Nuclear fusion seeks to produce clean energy by combining atoms in a manner that releases a significant amount of energy. In contrast, fission — the process used in conventional nuclear power — splits heavy atoms such as uranium into smaller atoms, releasing heat.

CFS is also planning to build the world’s first large-scale fusion power plant in Virginia, which is home to the largest concentration of data centres in the world.

BloombergNEF estimates that US data centre power demand will more than double to 78GW by 2035, from about 35GW last year, and nuclear energy start-ups already have raised more than $3bn in 2025, a 400 per cent increase on 2024 levels.

But experts have warned that addressing the technological challenges to the development of fusion would be expensive, putting into question the viability of the technology.

No group has yet been able to produce more energy from a fusion reaction than the system itself consumes despite decades of experimentation.

“Fusion is radically difficult compared to fission,” said Mark Nelson, managing director of the consultancy Radiant Energy Group, pointing to the incredibly high temperatures and pressures required to combine atoms.

“The hard part is not making fusion reactors. Every step forward towards what may be a dead end economically, looks like something that justifies another billion or a Nobel Prize.



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