Education
Enhancing AI literacy in undergraduate pre-medical education through student associations: an educational intervention | BMC Medical Education
Study design
This study employed a quasi-experimental, pretest-posttest control group design to evaluate the educational impact of a student-led AI curriculum. Participants were assigned to either an intervention group, which completed the curriculum through the AI in Medicine Association (AIM), or a control group, which did not receive the intervention. Outcomes were assessed through knowledge gains in AI and pathology-related content.
Participants and recruitment
Participants were undergraduate students at BYU pursuing pre-medical or other pre-health career paths. Cohort participants were recruited via flyers, campus bulletins, and an in-person booth at BYU’s student center. Control group participants were recruited through in-person outreach in large, pre-med-focused courses. Inclusion criteria required current enrollment in pre-medical coursework and interest in healthcare careers. Students with prior formal AI training beyond the scope of the AIM curriculum were excluded.
Intervention
The AIM curriculum consisted of four weekly educational sessions incorporating principles of active learning and multimodal instruction, as recommended in the literature [10,11,12,13]. The curriculum integrated foundational AI concepts, ethical frameworks, hands-on engagement with histological image analysis, and exposure to current AI research. Specific topics included:
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1.
Introduction to AI in healthcare.
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2.
Ethical implications and responsible use of AI.
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3.
Data preprocessing techniques.
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4.
Model development, training, and evaluation.
Instructional materials were designed by AIM student officers and reviewed by a senior faculty member to ensure academic rigor and pedagogical clarity. A key project involved identifying cancerous tissue and histological features in whole-slide prostate images, fostering practical engagement with AI in pathology [20].
Assessment design
The primary assessment tool consisted of a structured survey administered both pre- and post-intervention. It began with six demographic/background questions (e.g., prior AI exposure, graduation year, attitudes toward AI) followed by ten knowledge items divided into two domains:
Item formats included multiple-choice and short-answer questions. A complete version of the assessment is available in Supplementary Materials.
Data collection
Both the intervention and control groups completed the same assessment before and after a four-week period. Assessments were conducted in supervised or distraction-free environments. Only cohort participants who completed all four AIM sessions were eligible for the posttest. Control participants received their posttest four weeks after the pretest, with no exposure to the intervention.
To reduce response bias, participants were assured that their responses would remain anonymous, were not graded for performance, and could omit questions if desired. Identifying information was removed from scores once collected, and only used to contact students if needed, to link pre- and post-tests to the same student, and to collect demographic information that was not collected in the survey such as the sex of the participant. Participation was voluntary, and all students were informed they could withdraw at any time. Those who opted out of the study were still allowed to engage fully in AIM activities. Data were collected over two academic semesters and included 15 intervention participants and 16 controls.
Grading and scoring
Responses were graded by a faculty member using a structured rubric to ensure consistency and minimize bias. Partial credit was awarded for partially correct answers, with specific criteria delineated in the rubric (see Supplementary Materials).
Statistical analysis
Descriptive statistics (means, standard deviations, medians, frequencies, and percentages) were used to summarize demographic variables and baseline characteristics. Between-group comparisons at baseline were assessed using chi-square tests (categorical variables) and independent t-tests or Mann-Whitney U tests (continuous variables).
To assess knowledge gains, within-group changes in pretest and posttest scores were analyzed using paired t-tests (or Wilcoxon signed-rank tests if data were non-normally distributed). Between-group comparisons of posttest scores were analyzed using independent t-tests or Mann-Whitney U tests.
Effect sizes were calculated using Cohen’s d. Additionally, an analysis of covariance was conducted to compare posttest scores between groups while controlling for pretest scores and potential confounders (e.g., prior AI experience, pre-med status).
Exploratory analyses included Pearson or Spearman correlations between prior AI experience and knowledge gains. A multiple regression model was used to identify predictors of improvement, with group assignment, prior AI experience, and baseline attitudes toward AI entered as independent variables.
Data visualization
To visualize score distributions and changes, violin plots were generated for pre- and posttest scores by group. Bar plots with error bars depicted mean score changes and standard deviations across AI, pathology, and combined domains. Scatter plots explored associations between prior experience or attitudes and test performance. All figures were generated using Python packages seaborn and matplotlib.
Ethical considerations
The study received approval from the Brigham Young University Institutional Review Board. All participants provided informed consent, and data confidentiality was maintained via secure storage and anonymized analysis (see Supplementary Material).
Education
Microsoft Partners with eVidyaloka to Revolutionize AI Education for 37,000 Rural Students in India, ET Education
In a transformative push to bring Artificial Intelligence (AI) education to the heart of rural India, Microsoft, in partnership with eVidyaloka, is empowering around 37,000 students with Responsible AI training through Build Rural Artificial Intelligence Network (BRAIN) program. Now, in its second year, BRAIN has grown from 300 government schools in its pilot phase to more than 400 schools across 10 states of India.
Drawing on Microsoft’s Responsible AI principles and powered by its technology, curriculum, corporate social responsibility grants, devices, and volunteer network with strategic corporate partners, the program is not only teaching foundational AI concepts, but also enabling hands-on innovation in the classrooms, where access to advanced digital tools was once unimaginable.
One of the milestones in this year was the distribution of laptops to 108 government schools through Microsoft’s in-kind donation program, enabling more than 6,000 students to experience AI for the first time, through hands-on learning. Meanwhile, the Teacher Training (ToT) program equipped 343 educators in nine states with AI pedagogy and digital skills, laying the foundation for sustainable, long-term impact.
At the center of this initiative, offering 22 modules on AI for students and teachers is BRAINIAC 2025, a national AI innovation challenge that puts knowledge into action. It invites students from the government schools to identify pressing local issues in their schools or neighbourhoods and design practical, AI-powered solutions. By blending classroom instruction with hands-on problem-solving, BRAINIAC transforms digital education into a tool for grassroots innovation and community impact.
In this year’s challenge, 748 student teams (1,496 students) have come forward with innovative AI-driven prototypes addressing real-life issues, from smart dustbins and navigational systems to energy management tools and attendance solutions. Guided by trained Class Assistants and volunteer mentors, the initiative is redefining what students can achieve when given the right platform.
The program’s reach is further amplified by eVidyaloka’s Teach Through Television (TTT) model, which blends television and online content to overcome access barriers. In 2024–25, the TTT platform recorded 14.58 lakh views, delivering AI modules in five languages—Telugu, Tamil, Hindi, Kannada, and English—with redesigned content broken into 66 short, engaging lessons enhanced with motion graphics and interactive quizzes.
“Through the BRAINIAC Challenge, we are not just introducing rural students to Artificial Intelligence, we are enabling them to become thinkers, creators, and problem-solvers in their own communities. It’s heartening to see students take ownership of their learning journeys and build solutions that are meaningful, relevant, and deeply rooted in the community.” said Brinda Poornapragna, CEO of eVidyaloka.
Microsoft’s volunteer ecosystem has played a key role in co-developing curriculum and hosting student’s Meet & Greets with tech professionals. Collaborative efforts with Microsoft’s partner organisations like Nirmaan to adapt the BRAIN curriculum, further extended the reach of this Responsible AI course to 4,100 students across Tamil Nadu, ensuring exposure to global tech thinking even in India’s remotest classrooms.
Education
It is this government’s moral mission to give every child in Britain the best start in life | Bridget Phillipson
Like many young mothers, Jenna was unsure where to start. But that’s where her local family support service came in. Offering breastfeeding advice, a space to come together with other parents and for her son Billy to play with other babies, it reassured Jenna that she was on the right track – and crucially, that Billy was set up to achieve when he got to school.
Jenna’s service was the first of Labour’s renowned Sure Start centres in Washington, my home town in north-east England. I knew it well: before becoming an MP I ran a refuge nearby for women fleeing domestic violence. I linked up the women who used our refuge with Sure Start. It was a lifeline for those women who, despite everything, were determined to give their children the very best start in life.
But, sadly, after 14 years of Conservative government, stories like Jenna’s, and those of the many women who were offered that lifeline, are much less common. Funding was stripped out of Sure Start centres and services scrapped in rebranded family hubs. Today, 65 councils, and the children and families who live under their authority, have missed out on recent funding. Many more are lacking the childcare places that so many families in our country need.
For every Jenna, there are a host of other young mothers, and families, who missed out on crucial pillars of support, whose children have fallen behind before they have even started school.
One in three five-year-olds enters year 1 without the basic skills – like holding a pencil and writing their own name – that they need to make the most of what education has to offer them. Some haven’t reached essential milestones such as putting on a coat or going to the toilet by themselves.
For the most vulnerable children, the situation is graver. Just over half of those eligible for free school meals reach a good level of development at age five. For children in social care, it’s just over one in three. And for children with special educational needs, it’s one in five.
The gap in achievement we see between our poorest and most affluent children at 16 is baked in before they even start school, creating a vicious cycle of lost life chances that’s all too visible in the shameful number of young people not earning or learning.
It’s this government’s moral mission to bridge that gap, but to do it we must build an education system where all children can achieve and thrive, starting from day one.
That is why reforming the early years education system is my number one priority. And it’s why, just 12 months after Labour entered government, I am so proud to be setting out our strategy to give every child the best start in life.
Backed by £1.5bn over the next three years, it brings together the best of Sure Start, health services, community groups and the early years sector, with the shared goal of setting up children to succeed when they get to school.
We will create 1,000 Best Start Family Hubs, at least one in every council area, invest a record £9bn in funded childcare and early years places – and hundreds of millions to improve quality in early years settings and reception classes.
These hubs will bring disjointed support systems into one place, allowing thousands of families to access help with anything from birth registration to breastfeeding, from housing support to children’s speech and language development.
The strategy takes inspiration from around the world. I’ve been really impressed by what happens in countries I’ve visited, such as Estonia, where early education and family support are bound tightly together with stellar results. Its disadvantage gap is negligible because children get to school ready to learn. Its children outperform those from much larger, wealthier countries in international rankings. The country punches above its weight economically as a result.
At the heart of our strategy is the recognition that for our country to succeed in a fast-changing world, it is not enough for only some children to do well in education: every child must have the opportunity and the tools not just to get by, but to get on in life.
Working people have always known that education is the best way to break the link between their background and what they go on to achieve, the route to prosperity not just for individuals, but for all of society. It’s a common thread that runs through every Labour government: that we must use education to spread the freedoms that today too few enjoy, so that tomorrow they are common to us all.
It’s the essence of our politics, the socialism of extending freedom to allow working people to choose their own path to fulfilment: to get better employment, to achieve a better quality of life or even to start a family.
This strategy is a watershed moment for our government, but more importantly for every single family who needs our support. To make it a reality, we will begin unprecedented collaboration between parents, councils, nurseries, childminders, schools and government, enmeshing family support, early education and childcare so deeply that no rightwing government can ever unpick it, as the Tories did with Sure Start over 14 long years.
Our plan for change will ensure Jenna’s experience – and Billy’s future success – is shared by every family and every child in our country.
Education
Labour vows to protect Sure Start-type system from any future Reform assault | Children
Labour will aim to embed a Sure Start-type system of help for deprived children and families so deeply and completely into the state that a future Reform or Conservative government would not be able to dismantle it, Bridget Phillipson has pledged.
Arguing that efforts to close the attainment gap between poorer and richer children was the government’s “moral mission”, the education secretary promised to build on this weekend’s announcement of a new wave of family hubs across England, an effective successor to Sure Start.
Sure Start, a network of centres offering integrated services for the under-fives and their families, launched in 1998 under the last Labour government, and was seen as one of its major successes, with one study saying it generated longer-term savings worth twice the system’s cost.
But much of Sure Start was dismantled amid massive spending cuts by the Conservatives. The new policy of family hubs will commit £500m to opening 1,000 centres from April 2026.
In an article for the Guardian, Phillipson said the centres should become part of a wider network of help for families, one that would not just be impossible to take apart, but that would become so popular that they would become an untouchable “third rail” of British politics.
The family hubs strategy was “a watershed moment” for both government and families, Phillipson wrote.
She went on: “To make it a reality we will begin unprecedented collaboration between parents, councils, nurseries, childminders, schools and government, enmeshing family support, early education, and childcare so deeply that no rightwing government can ever unpick it, as the Tories did with Sure Start over 14 long years.
“We will ensure any such assault on the system will become the new third rail of British politics.”
In a follow-up announcement to the plan for family hub centres, which are intended to be created in every council area in England by 2028, Phillipson’s department has also announced plans to pay qualified early years teachers to work in the most deprived areas, where their work could have the greatest impact.
Currently, the Department for Education says, just one in 10 nurseries have a qualified early years teacher. The incentive scheme will involve a tax-free payment of £4,500 to early years teachers who take a job in a nursery in one of the 20 most disadvantaged communities in England.
In another change, the education watchdog Ofsted will inspect any new early years providers within 18 months of opening, with subsequent inspections taking place at least once every four years, rather than the current six.
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Sure Start and its successor programmes have a near-totemic role in the narrative of the modern Labour party, with Angela Rayner, its deputy leader, saying her life as a teenage mother and that of her son were turned around by her local centre, which offered her a parenting course.
In her Guardian article, Phillipson recounted working closely with the first-ever Sure Start centre in Washington, Tyne and Wear, when she ran a refuge for women fleeing domestic violence, before she entered politics.
“It was a lifeline for those women who, despite everything, were determined to give their children the very best start in life,” she wrote. “The gap in achievement we see between our poorest and most affluent children at 16 is baked in before they even start school, creating a vicious cycle of lost life chances that’s all too visible in the shameful number of young people not earning or learning.”
Speaking in interviews on Sunday morning, Phillipson said Labour was also committed to tackling child poverty, but said the fiscal cost of Downing Street’s U-turn on changes to welfare last week would make it harder to implement other policies such as potentially scrapping the two-child benefit cap.
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